Communities

In the Northern Areas communities usually claim a right to the usage of water flowing through their village. A neighboring village cannot use it without consent. In the past traditional water rights were established for irrigation water but now it is also an important issue in relation to piped water supply schemes (Hussain and Langendijk, 1994).

The traditional water supply schemes in the villages have been managed by the villagers themselves on a rational and equitable basis, knowing that they are all equally dependent on proper water distribution for survival. Where water is scarcer, strict rules and regulations are applied and adhered to. Here water rights form the basis for distribution of water inside the villages. For example in villages close to Gilgit water use rights are given only to those who own officially registered “settled land” which is agricultural land for which malia (agricultural production tax) was paid before the 1970s. Other farmers cannot claim water for land but can only use excess water. For example, people of Jutial and Khomer have joint right to the use of Jutial nallah. In time of scarcity (March-May) this right is strictly enforced. Irrigation water to a part of Zulfiqar colony is stopped as this settlement does not have traditional user rights. Therefore this colony relies on a river lift scheme for drinking purposes during this period (Hussain and Langendijk, 1994). Nonetheless, over time water rights have been modified through mutual agreements between old and new settlers in the region’s villages.

In some villages distribution systems are enforced in every season except summer when abundant water supplies are usually available. In other villages enforcement is only during April-May when farmers need more water for wheat and barley crops and melt waters have not yet increased stream flow. Distribution patterns often reflect village settlement patterns. Early settlers enjoy slightly better distribution but over time agreements are reached to accommodate newcomers and population growth (Hussain and Langendijk, 1994).

Individual fields have an allotted share of water and receive it through field channels which reach them through the opening and closing of individual field sluices (Kreutzmann, 2000). Additionally, farmers take their irrigation turns under the warabandi system. Each farmer is given a particular day and time to take water for irrigation, but there may be informal exchange of turns between proximate farmers (Ahmed and Joyia, 2003). Order of irrigation priority is generally food crops, followed by fodder and lastly by fruit trees with the first two generally irrigated during the day and the latter during the night. Among food crops, priority is shown for vegetables over food grains.

Kreutzmann (2000) describes water management in central Hunza. In villages here kinship participation in the construction of channels secures first priority of access to the channels. However, individual portions of the channel belong to certain groups only. Different kinship groups command the night and day cycles of irrigation whereby groups get to use the water during the day and some use it during the night. The first priority is given to cereal crops on irrigated terraces, then potatoes, vegetables and finally lucerne. This sequence is relaxed only when sufficient water becomes available in the channels. At this time the first watering of the orchards is allowed. This study also describes the organizational aspects of water management whereby the vacuum left by the abolition of the mir system has been taken up by village communities themselves who manage water through mutual consent and have laid down an elaborate system of water allocation and channel supervision.

Traditionally drainage has not been a problem. Domestic gray water is thrown onto the land and drains away. In closely built homes there are shallow open drains leading either to a main channel to a river or to the field. However it is rare to find water being wasted since excess is taken up by diversion to productive use in crops and animals (Hunzai, 1993).

Communities also participate in the maintenance of the common portions of the irrigation channels. This is usually done during the spring and farmers contribute labor or cash towards this goal. De-silting of channels is also performed communally. A watchman (chowkidar) may also be hired by the farmers to keep an eye on the irrigation channel, clear it from debris, perform small repairs and report any problems. The individual portions of the channel are maintained by the respective farmers themselves (Ahmed and Joyia, 2003).